The Basics Of Probabilistic Voting Theory -
The probabilistic voting theory is one of the cornerstones of microeconomic theory of political economy.The probabilistic voting theory is actually one of the closest theories that comes to explaining electoral politics. The MPVT says that, voters don't always choose the closest candidate, where their choices are affected by biases.
Biases, information gaps, charisma, group allegiance, etc. all influence their decisions.This results in a continuous, smooth vote function for each party (instead of sharp cutoffs). In contrast to the sharp equilibria in deterministic models, this results in the existence and uniqueness of equilibria in numerous models. This can be accessed here, along with explanations.
To put it in absolutely simple language, in downisian electoral politics model which says, that, voters vote for the party closest to their ideology and probabilistic voting model, which basically says that, voters choose their winning candidates based on factors like - ideology, charisma of a candidate, narratives, anti incumbency to name a few. More on the different electoral voting systems can be found in the images attached below, before we proceed onto the case study. The article will use a very limited version of the entire theories.
 |
Basic comparisions |
 |
The implications |
One of the biggest critcisms towards economists directed by social scientists is about the lack of application in real life, however,during the course of the article on this blog, it would be very much clear that some aspects of the theory definitely holds true in practice in the case of Karnataka.
Introduction On Karnataka-
Karnataka is a state located in India's south-western region. The land area of the Karnataka state is estimated to be around, 191,792 square kilometers. As per the census of 2011,the state of Karnataka has a population of almost around 6 million and has a population contribution of around 5% to a country like India, which has a massive population of 1.4 billion. The coastline of the state is around 320 km. The census of 2011 actually pointed out to the population distribution to being as the follows. The economic contribution of Karnataka sector wise is - Agriculture(16%), Industry(20%) and Services(64%), which will become a very very crucial factor in analysing the political climate of the state in this particular article. Karnataka's per capita income is at Rs. 3,80,906 and the overall poverty rate of the state is at 20.91% , which play an important role in deciding the outcomes of 28 Lok Sabha seats. Karnataka has a bicameral legislature at the state level which means, the state has a legislative assembly and legislative council. India follows a first past the post system and a parliamentary form of democracy, in which every province contributes some seats.
Understanding Karnataka Politics
 |
The 28 Parliamentary Segments of the state |
The graphs have been attached after 3 paragraphs.
The ruling party of Karnataka, today, is Congress and opposition is BJP ,with the third largest party in the state which has polled around 5-6% votes is the JDS(Janata Dal Secular). There are 28 Lok sabha seats in the state. All the Lok Sabha parliamentary constituencies in Karnataka have 8 vidhan sabha segments in it. The state of Karnataka though has some unique political preferences which make them unique, just like every other Indian state.
In the province or state level election, Congress party in the state has generally won around 38% of the vote share, throughout decades , whereas the Bharatiya Janata Party since its rise in the late 1990s has consistently won around 36% vote share, except the 2013 as shown in graph number 2, for which a prime reason was the tall & respected leader BS Yedyurappa left the BJP and formed the Karnataka Janata Paksha which subsequently merged with BJP in 2014. However, the most interesting factor is that, even before the Modi wave in 2014, from 2004-14, the BJPs vote share in the Lok Sabha elections is consistently hovering between 40-42% in the national level election and the state level election has tended to reduce.
Now, when, the numbers in vote share are only compared(though its not the gratest of indicators to use in a FPTP system), at the state level elections, Congress has tended to surge ahead while BJP has stayed back, which actually provides a justification as to why BJP-Karnataka has never won a simple majority on its own in the state. However, when the national level figures, have been compared, it can be easily and aptly seen that, Karnataka has always preferred the BJP over the Congress, which is also prevalent in the electoral history of the state, as the BJP has consistently won at least 17 seats out of 28 in the state. Meanwhile, Congress's vote shares have declined in this time frame in the Lok Sabha elections if seen in the first graph.
 |
Swarajya - Congress & JDS Vote Share (Graph 1) |
We can see, that Congress party is a major dominant party in Karnataka, with a much consistent vote share in both parliamentary and state elections, which is primarily due to the first movers advantage they had in the 1951-1967 period, the advent of tall leaders like Devaraj Urs, SM Krishna, S. Nijalingappa, Veerendra Patil amongst others led the party during the phase where Congress was mostly the sole ruling party in the center and the leaders bought in different sections of the society, which strengthened them on the ground level. The advent of strongmen leaders continued in the Congress, with the further rise of DK Shivakumar and Siddaramaiah.
The third party which is completely underrated in most of the analysis is the Janata Dal (Secular) of the former prime minister of India, HD Dewe Gowda. It can be seen, from the first graph that, the JDS is a declining but still a potent force as it polls around 10% vote share in the state. Their criticality can be simply understood by 2 factors of - When, the difference between 2 major parties is not even in double digits any political person with a double digit vote share can flip the results as India follows a FPTP system, which in simple terms says, that anyone who has more votes can win the election in such a case, whose votes is the third party actually taking becomes interesting to see. The second factor, as to why, JDS is important for the state politics can be gauged by the fact that, in 2019, the Congress-JDS combine took on the BJP and in 2024, the JDS-BJP combine took on the Congress in the Lok Sabha elections.
But, JDS has never contested an assembly election with either of them, as maybe they would be vary of the future existence of their party. The JDS party is a technically a Pan-Karnataka party, but, its majority of the legislators have come from the Old Mysore Region and Central Karnataka which account for almost 100 Vidhan sabha seats out of 228 Vidhan Sabha seats, whereas Lok Sabha seats are almost around 12/28, which makes them critical in the fortunes of the state politics. So, even, JDS is a major powerplayer in the state and even if they are not major players in the national politics, but their fortunes can change a lot of dynamics.
 |
BJPs vote share in the state (Graph-2)
|
In fact, as per many political observers of India, the fall of JDS in Karnataka and the rise of BJP in Karnataka are correlated, as both of these parties were formed on anti Congress planks. Even, the history of both of these parties are correlated, as, both of them came in from the now defunct Janata Party(merged with the BJP in 2013) which was formed in the aftermath of the emergency imposition by Indira Gandhi in 1975. The Janata Dal Secular, itself is a faction of the various Janata Dal mergers and acquisitions that occured in Karnataka over the years, with the most significant one being the breakaway faction of Janata Dal which merged with the BJP in 1996 which was engineered by former CM Ramakrishna Hegde. The interesting history of JDS can be accessed
here.
Basic Takeaways -
The first graph is of the congress-JDS vote share and second graph is of BJPs vote share.
The overall picture as to how the, electoral voting theories are applicable in Karnataka are based on 3 results -
1. The Downisian Electoral Voting which says, that, people vote on particular ideologies is true in the case, which has been proven via the incredibly consistent vote shares of both the parties.
2. The MPVT which explains people's biases, which explains as to why the extra 3-4% voter prefers BJP over Congress in the Lok Sabha election, some reasons which would be explored under the article.
The Wonderful Tale Of Karavalli Karnataka
1.
Karavalli Karnataka : This region of the state has given legends like Rani Abbaka Chowta of Ullal along with being host to some of the biggest Hindu cultural iconic sites in India namely, the Kukke Subramanya Temple, Udupi SriKrishna Temple, Shravanabelagola, Dharmasthala, Hornadu, Shringeri amongst others. In fact, Adi Shankaracharya set up one mattha of Hinduism in Shringeri, which was meant for promotion of Hinduism. Karavalli Karnataka also has a lot of places of Christian, Jaina and Muslim importance like - Rosario Cathedral, Infant Jesus Shrine, Ullal Dargah amongst others. This is called as the coastal belt of Karnataka.
The coastal belt of Karnataka is called as the most politically charged region of the state. The region has 3 lok sabha seats of - Uttara Kannada, Dakshina Kannada and Udupi - Chikamaguluru. Currently, all these 3 seats are being represented by Bharatiya Janata Party consistently from the past 3 elections. The major communities in this part are namely, Bunts, Bilavas, Mogaveeras, Vokkaligas, Lingayats, Kurubas, Brahmins, Jains, Muslims & various artisan and fishing communities, amongst others who are also crucial.
 |
The 3 coastal districts of Karnataka |
One interesting seat, worth analysing, which fits perfectly in the probabilistic voting theory is of Dakshina Kannada, though every other seat can also satisfy the theory to an extent. Dakshina Kannada has
Mangalore city in it, which coincidentally is the second largest contributor to Karnataka's state GSDP, it actually accounts for Rs. 1.25 lakh crore in FY-2023 as per the state economic survey and contributes to 5.5% of the state's GSDP. This urban nature of the seat, is a prime reason, why the Bharatiya Janata Party, has won from this seat, almost consistently since 1989. This also fits right into the given model of probabilistic voting theory.
For starters, Bharatiya Janata Party, before the Modi era of 2014 was called as a majorly urban party in the country, which was also true till an extent for Karnataka, though there is ample number of evidences like BJP winning predominantly rural seats in the state.
Dakshina Kannada also has a very strong ideological presence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh(BJPs ideological mentor) in fact the current Secretary General(Organisation) of BJP is BL Santosh, who has grown up from the current RSS system in this particular region. Along with it, the BJP has had a battery of leaders from this seat in the past, which included the former state BJP president of Karnataka BJP Naleen Kumar Kateel, the current MP Captain Brijesh Chowta, former CM DV Sadananda Gowda who have kept the BJP in a dominant position in this place.
The same story can be said about the other 2 seats namely, Uttara Kannada and Udupi Chikamaguluru, in which BJP had leaders like, U. Chittaranjan, Anant Kumar Hegde who have won this seat for BJP very consistently since years.
Hence, it can be said, that probabilistic voting theory is absolutely perfect in the Coastal belt of the state, as candidate loyalty along with ideological base and organisational strengths have influenced the results to be in favour of BJP.
Another factor, that gets, counted in here, is that, the region has given BJP its Member of Parliaments, before other parts of Karnataka started moving towards the BJP in 1999, which was partly due to the Hubli Idgah Maidan Issue and the Ram Janmabhoomi Andolan amongst other factors, which are mentioned above.
Identity Politics in Karavalli Karnataka :
The coastal belt of Karnataka has a very subtle and a different composition which plays a crucial role in their politics. The caste composition of these areas is a mixture of various social groups like - the socially dominant Bunts, the Bilava OBC group, Brahmins who have traditionally been BJP supporters. Muslims & multiple obc groups who have traditionally been Congress supporters in the past.
Though on a general scale in Karnataka, major groups like - Brahmins have supported BJP, Lingayats have supported BJP, Bunts have supported BJP, Left Hand Madiga Dalits have supported BJP, OBC communities like and a good section of Nayaka Valamiki Community(found in Kalyana Karnataka, classified as ST)have supported BJP.
Though, none of the issues in any of these communities are the same and neither is their support completely identical. Panchamashali Lingayats(a sub sect of Lingayats) have agitated against the BJP when a powerful BJP minister from Kalyan Karnataka, named Murgesh Nirani who was sacked from his post in the early 2020s.
 |
The general community matrix of Karnataka, as per NSSO 2015 |
The coastal belt of Karnataka has also been a hotspot for communal tensions with both the dominant parties blaming each other for the various number of communal instances (like the brutal murders of Prashant Poojary& Muhammad Fazil, who belonged to Sangh Parivar{BJP} & Congress respectively) have occured in this region.
Along with these issues, there are other issues which impact voter behaviour which are - Tulu language identity, infra decline, economic neglect and lack of preserving the cultural identity of this particular region. All these issues are crucial during narrative building, which becomes part of MPVT.
Also anti-incumbency onto the candidate in these places is always high, which was seen in the election result of a Vidhan Sabha segment named Puttur seat, where the political sidelining of Arun Putilla(a tulu hindutva activist) by the BJP, ended up contesting as an independent, which led to the Congress party winning the seat which is otherwise considered a BJP stronghold.
This validates the MPVT theory discussed before and even the Downisian electoral theory which says, that, if an ideologically inclined voter does not get his/her choice of candidate, bias kicks in and they may vote for the other candidate. The case of Puttur where, Mr. Ashok Rai won proves this case. Picture attached below for reference.
 |
Puttur Vidhan Sabha result. The independent candidate who was a ex-BJP leader ended up denting his own party. |
However, despite such a polarized state of electoral politics, the Mangalore Port is the 7th largest seaport in India and the port handles 75% of India's cashew & timer exports, along with hosting major companies like Cochin Shipyard, KIOCL and BPCL to name a few, which proves the single peakedness theory true, which says that, despite parties with diverse ideologies coming to power in the state, they would converge to a median level of policy which becomes indifferent to ideologies.
Gender & Nepotism, its link with electoral theories:-
The sex ratio of the Karnataka state is at 973 females per 1000 men,the median in the country was at 943 as per the census 2011 , which partly to an extent shows the impact of the educational & women-oriented reforms enacted by the Wodeyar Dynasty especially during the reign of Nalawadi Krishnaraja Wodeyar whose reign lasted from 1919-1939, in this case, Karnataka had a headstart where even in 1951 Census whereas, Karnataka's sex ratio was 946. This author had authored an article on the king which can be accessed here.
As per the census 2011, the urban population in the state of Karnataka is estimated to be around 38% whereas the rural population of the state of almost around 61.33%. The interesting part is that, the rural sex ratio as per the census 2011 is estimated to be around 978 which is significantly higher than their urban sex ratio, this
partly explains why, the Karnataka Congress's promise of
Gruha Laxmi scheme promising a cash incentive of Rs. 2000 had a major impact on the voting patterns in the more rural regions of Kalyana Karnataka (6 Lok Sabha seats of Bidar, Koppal, Bellary, Raichur and Gulbarga) in the 2023 election, where Congress party ended up winning around 61% of the seats on the back of this promise. Also, since the rural poverty in Karnataka is at a whopping
24.63%, this also partly explains why the Gruha Laxmi scheme became a big gamechanger in the state elections.
This announcement comes in as a bias in the formula seen before which essentially appealed to a particular segment of women in Karnataka. This particular issue is still prevalent in Karnataka, as the former Prime Minister of India and the JDS supremo, HD Dewe Gowda also
validated this point in December 2024, in his news byte. Along with the scheme itself landing in multiple troubles with accusations of corruption etc. also flowing in the same from the opposition BJP.
Though, its a very oversimplified analysis, even with respect to Kalyana Karnataka, because during this particular elections other factors like - The Loss of Lingayat votes from BJP, the formation of Gali Janardhan Reddy's(former BJP minister in Karnataka) now defunct Kalyana Karnataka Rajya Paksha, strong local candidates in Congress, demographics favouring the Congress, which again proves that, probabilistic voting theory can actually be possible when all the factors align and can influence results.
It is very interesting to observe that, though, women are
economically empowered in Karnataka, but, in the past 4 Lok Sabha(Parliamentary) elections since, 2009, there have been very few elected woman MPs who have won namely - Shobha Karandlaje(3 time MP, 2 time from Udupi-Chikamagulur and 1 time from Bengaluru North representing BJP), Prabha Mallikarjun (1st time MP),J Shanta (Representing BJP and 1 time MP from Bellary in 2009, she switched over to YSRCP in 2024) and Priyanka Jarkiholi (Representing Congress and 1 time MP)
The same can be said about the assembly level women leadership, which is limited to leaders like Laxmi Hebbalkar from Congress who is successful in state politics. At least, amongst the woman member of parliaments, it can be seen that these leaders represent 2 diverse groups which are - self made leaders or relatives of already powerful ministers. The latter is a particular & a peculiar factor in the context of Karnataka politics, which can be seen in the family lineages of multiple top political figures of the state, who are in the age group of 25-50.
Some of the prominent politicians in Karnataka like - Yathindra Siddaramaiah,BY Vijayendra, DK Suresh, Priyank Kharge, Nikhil Kumaraswamy , HD Revanna, Tejasvi Surya, Jarkiholi family & Aravind Bellad amongst others who are leaders from big political families.
The reason, why this phenomenon maybe true in case of Karnataka is because of the high per capita income which actually leads to a lot of expenditure in politics as a politician has a lot of incentive to get the votes of the swing voter in the state. This becomes true even in the case of Karnataka as since the 1990s, the state has never seen an incumbent bounce back to power.
This shows that the role of the swing voter is exceptionally critical in the state of Karnataka, which to an extent captures why a lot of corruption also occurs in the state politics. This particular part is a hunch of the author, which can be critiqued or questioned. Also, another reason why many prominent and high achievers politicians are from families is maybe, because of social reasons like - lifestyle of a politician, seeing the son as the heir apparent to the parent's political legacy, all factors which get captured the other factors of the theory, given in the introduction.
Conclusion
The article tries to capture the essence of Karnataka politics at a very nuanced and data based manner, in a non-partisan manner, as the main agenda of this article is to apply a nuanced economic electoral theory to a situations in real life electoral politics.
This is the prime reason, why the political history of the state cant be covered in a blog article and it is the prime reason why the politics of other regions, the caste based issues, political history of individual leaders, center-state relations etc. have not been covered in detail in the article by the author. Even a lot of theories have been over-simplified which is not ideal, which is why this series can shall continue on this blog with respect to each and every region cum state of India, which later on maybe extended to domestic politics of other countries.
Disclaimer:-
Any misrepresentation, any misunderstanding, any factual error & any wrong conclusion is strongly regretted.